#ColdFeast

“Revenge is a Dish Best Served Cold”

Short Circuiting the Kavanaugh Hearings

L

ast week we all despaired.  It seemed certain that Supreme Court Nominee Brett Kavanaugh was irrevocably destined to be President Trump’s second Associate Justice appointed to the Supreme Court. 

NoKavanaugh
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 A week later, there’s a good chance we can derail Kavanaugh’s  nomination, or at least postpone it.

Fortune favors a prepared mind Louis Pasteur


Trumps abysmal, Un-American buffoonery before our NATO allies and especially in his nearly treasonous performance in Helsinki kowtowing to  Russian Dictator for Life Vladimir Putin has given the resistance an opportunity to strike at Kavanaugh’s nomination. 

It is imperative that we all write to our United States Senator and ask that any hearing on Kavanaugh’s appointment be postponed until the Mueller Investigative Report is published. 

Write Your Senator

Then write specifically to Senator Susan Collins, Maine, who is undecided on Kavanaugh’s appointment and has commented publically that she has not heard much from the rest of the nation about his appointment.

We can fix that:

Write Senator Susan Collins

Here are some points to discuss about Brett Kavanaugh: 

First, in a 2009 Minnesota Law Review article Kavanaugh offered the opinion that a sitting president should never be supeanoed or indicted.  In short, Kavanaugh’s opinion is that the President is above the law.  Clearly President Trump was “Justice shopping” in case he runs into trouble with the Mueller investigation.  This must not be allowed.  No person is above the law. 

Vox media editor Ezra Klein has compiled a handy list of known suspicious interactions between Trump, the Trump Campaign, and Russian assets.  It is a damning list:  Trump and Putin: what we know is damning

What we know about the Trump campaign, the Trump White House, and Russia

Rather than speculating about what we don’t know about Trump and Russia, it’s worth stepping back to see how much we do know.

We know that Russia orchestrated a massive theft of information from the Democratic Party and the Clinton campaign, and used that information to help Donald Trump win the election.

We know that Trump publicly asked Russia to do exactly what it did — to hack Clinton’s emails — and we know that Trump repeatedly praised Vladimir Putin, at considerable political cost, in the aftermath. We know that Trump associates, like Roger Stone, appeared to have advance warning of the release of the hacked emails.

We know that the willingness to cooperate with the Russians wasn’t an idiosyncratic musing of Trump’s, but suffused the top ranks of his campaign: Trump’s inner circle — including Manafort, Jared Kushner, and Donald Trump Jr. — eagerly took a meeting with Russian operatives promising dirt on Clinton. And we know Trump himself dictated the statement lying about the purpose of the Trump Tower meeting.

We know, from Trump’s own testimony, that he fired the director of the FBI to end his investigation into Russia’s role in the 2016 election. We know that Trump has wanted to fire both his attorney general and his deputy attorney general because he feels they’ve failed to protect him from this investigation. Tellingly, the Trump administration has moved from arguing that the president did not obstruct justice to arguing that by definition, the president cannot obstruct justice.

We know in that in 2008, Donald Trump Jr. said of the Trump organization, “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets.” We know that in 2014, Eric Trump added, “We don’t rely on American banks. We have all the funding we need out of Russia.” We know that from 2003 to 2017, “buyers connected to Russia or former Soviet republics made 86 all-cash sales — totaling nearly $109 million — at 10 Trump-branded properties in South Florida and New York City.”

We know that Paul Manafort, Trump’s campaign manager, had ties to the Kremlin and was deeply in debt to Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch closely connected to Putin. We know Manafort was in communication with Deripaska’s team during the election, and that he asked, of his powerful position in Trump’s campaign, “How do we use [it] to get whole?”

We know that Russia’s efforts to help Trump went far beyond hacked emails — they included social media campaigns to inflame racial divisions on his behalf, armies of bots meant to elevate news stories helping him and hurting Clinton, and even efforts to compromise state voting machines.

We know that the Trump campaign interfered in the Republican National Committee’s drafting of its platform to soften the language on Russia and Ukraine. We know that Kushner sought a secret communications channel with Russians so the US government couldn’t hear their negotiations. We know that Trump has personally fought both his administration and his party to stop sanctions punishing Russia for electoral interference.

We know that there is no single issue that has bedeviled the Trump administration as long or as much as Trump’s connections to Russia. We know that since the election, Trump has bucked both his party and decades of American foreign policy to try to protect Russia from sanctions, pull American support back from both NATO and the European Union, and forge a closer personal relationship with Putin. We know Trump insisted on the Helsinki meeting with Putin over the objections of his staff and despite the absence of any clear agenda.

Imagine it’s 2012 and someone described to you everything we would know in 2018. Would this sound like a hazy, unclear state of affairs? Or would it sound like we actually knew more than enough — indeed, a terrifying amount?”

The full article is linked above and is well worth the read.

Do not miss this opportunity to derail and sink the Kavanaugh appointment.  President Trump does not deserve a “get out of jail free” card on the Supreme Court.